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ations of television channels, and particularly television anchors,
matters of concern to politicians and also of public controversy. Thus,
in 2003, conservative commentators derided the liberal New York Times
when its editor and ethos were blamed for (a few) failures in journal-
istic integrity, while in 2004 Dan Rather of cbs became a news item
when he seemed over-keen in his support of an inaccurate report
about George W. Bush s unwillingness to fulfil his National Guard
commitments as a young man, a mistake that led to Rather s fall. Other
anchormen, such as cbs s Walter Cronkite, nbc s Chet Huntley, David
Brinkley and Tom Brokaw, and abc s Peter Jennings, had all become
household names. The rise of Fox News to become the leading cable
channel in the late 1990s and 2000s was seen as important to
Republican fortunes, since it was more conservative and partisan than
the other national networks. This conservatism applied not only to
news reporting, but also in the general approach to social issues, not
least law and order.
The rise of other communication systems, however, challenged the
dominance of these networks. Cable and satellite technology led to the
proliferation of television channels, which weakened the role of national
networks and permitted the dissemination of more opinions, as well as
gearing advertising to particular sectors of the population. The
Internet also provided a challenge, not least as its bloggers became
increasingly active as opinion formers. The ngos (non-government
158 a l t e r e d s t a t e s
organizations), which became more prominent in political and social
activism in the 1980s and  90s, benefited from the extent to which new
technology and its capacity for enhanced organizational capability, was
not limited to government. New social, economic and political networks
and groupings were created, and this established new patterns and
hierarchies of communication.
Politics converged with economy and society, with voters also
consumers, and each appealed to, in an increasingly searching fashion,
as individuals. Technological application made this possible. Users
were the crucial figures in the computer revolution, with systems
designed for the benefit of individuals, and for linking and reaching
out to them. In response, the targeting of voters became more sophis-
ticated, and also more able to link individuals to national campaigns. If
targeting was one response to the willingness of voters to act as
consumers, so also was the determination to shape policies in order to
secure votes. This, however, discouraged expenditure in areas not seen
as likely to attract support, such as mental health. One consequence
was seen in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. A report commis-
sioned by the Office of Secretary of Defense from Stephen Henthorne,
a Pentagon adviser who played a role in the relief efforts, argued that
 corruption and mismanagement within the New Orleans city govern-
ment . . . diverted money earmarked for improving flood protection to
other, more vote-getting, projects. Past mayors and governors gambled
that the long-expected Big Killer hurricane would never happen.
The shaping of politics did not determine its contents, but it helped to
ensure that politicians had to respond within rapidly changing contexts.
At the same time, one of the major responses was affirming or clinging to
traditional assumptions and interests. This is a remark frequently
directed against conservatives but can also be applied to liberals. Indeed,
the process of political change encouraged this practice in both camps.
federal and state governments
One of the crucial elements of political history was the relationship
between federal and state government. This formed both a background
p ol i t i c s 159
and a theme in the political history of the period covered by this book,
and it matched a wider tension over the extent of central control. This
was seen, for example, in banking, when the Depository Institution
Deregulation and Monetary Control Act of 1980 both deregulated impor-
tant aspects of the banking industry and extended Federal Reserve
authority over the state banks, particularly in the area of reserve require-
ments. Prior to this legislation, the state governments set the reserve
requirements of the state banks (banks with charters from the individual
state governments), and these were usually much lower. Funds held as
reserves earn no interest. Since reserve requirements are one of the tools
that central banks use to control money stock growth, the Federal Reserve
felt that it needed control over the reserve requirements of state banks.
Apart from disagreements over policy, the role of the states under-
lined the extent to which government was very much a coalition activity
that required continual negotiation and compromise. Different assump-
tions about the responsibilities of government played a major role in the
tension over state federal relations. This had a range of manifestations.
For example, in 1982 Congress permitted the reservations of Native
American tribes to issue tax-exempt bonds for  essential government
functions , which were defined in a Congressional report as  projects like
schools, streets and sewers . This, however, left room for contention over
investments for economic development, a policy increasingly defined in
terms of gambling after the Supreme Court in 1987 restricted the power
of states to regulate gambling on reservations. This led to a surge in activ-
ity in the 1990s that highlighted the question of appropriate government
activity, as well as the problem of competing local interests: states were
worried about tax exemptions. Again, to follow the money, the financial
benefit of federal government varied greatly by state. In 2003, for exam- [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]